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Patrick Seyd Corbyn’s labour party: managing the membership surge Journal Article Routledge, 2020, ISBN: @book{T.2020b,
title = {Corbyn’s labour party: managing the membership surge}, author = { Patrick Seyd}, url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1067/s41293-019-00131-6}, issn = {}, year = {2020}, date = {2020 01 07}, publisher = {Routledge}, abstract = { All British parties, with the one exception of the Conservative Party, have experienced membership surges in recent years, thus contradicting the assertion of many party scholars that membership is in terminal decline. The ebbs and flows of Labour’s membership since the 1980s are examined here before considering both the benefits and costs to the party of the recent spectacular surge associated with Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. The conclusion is that parties are not prisoners of broad societal trends; they have the ability to influence the ebbs and flows. To better understand and explain the membership trends requires a combination of quantitative and qualitative studies; something which is difficult in contemporary academic scholarship. }, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {Article} }
All British parties, with the one exception of the Conservative Party, have experienced membership surges in recent years, thus contradicting the assertion of many party scholars that membership is in terminal decline. The ebbs and flows of Labour’s membership since the 1980s are examined here before considering both the benefits and costs to the party of the recent spectacular surge associated with Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. The conclusion is that parties are not prisoners of broad societal trends; they have the ability to influence the ebbs and flows. To better understand and explain the membership trends requires a combination of quantitative and qualitative studies; something which is difficult in contemporary academic scholarship.
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M Wincławska Party Management from the Perspective of Party Members: Evidence from Poland Journal Article Routledge, 2020, ISBN: @book{T.2020b,
title = {Party Management from the Perspective of Party Members: Evidence from Poland}, author = { M Wincławska}, url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10758216.2020.1757466}, issn = {}, year = {2020}, date = {2020 05 29}, publisher = {Routledge}, abstract = { The article deals with the problem of managing party organizations from the perspective of party members. Using the concept of participatory management (PM), we show the factors correlating with the assessment of PM by the rank and file. The analysis demonstrates that the positive grassroots assessment of how the party is directed is influenced by members’ engagement in the party’s activities and sense of influence on party decisions. The paper is based on a new and unique dataset of over 2,500 questionnaires conducted in 2016–2018 with party members of six Polish relevant political parties. }, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {Article} }
The article deals with the problem of managing party organizations from the perspective of party members. Using the concept of participatory management (PM), we show the factors correlating with the assessment of PM by the rank and file. The analysis demonstrates that the positive grassroots assessment of how the party is directed is influenced by members’ engagement in the party’s activities and sense of influence on party decisions. The paper is based on a new and unique dataset of over 2,500 questionnaires conducted in 2016–2018 with party members of six Polish relevant political parties.
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Gherghina, S. Party members and leadership styles in new European democracies Journal Article Routledge, 2020, ISBN: @book{T.2020b,
title = {Party members and leadership styles in new European democracies }, author = {Gherghina, S.}, url = {https://eprints.gla.ac.uk/217348/}, issn = {1369-1481}, year = {2020}, date = {}, publisher = {Routledge}, abstract = { The external image of party leaders has often been analysed through their behaviour or reflection in the media. However, we know little about how party leaders are seen internally. This article addresses this gap in the literature and seeks to explain what determines the variation in party members’ perceptions of leadership styles. It builds on the transactional–transformational continuum and uses original survey data from a modified version of the Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire. The analysis includes 12 political parties with parliamentary representation from Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania between 2004 and 2018. The findings of the mixed-effects linear regression illustrate that in general older and active party members are more likely to see their leaders as transformational. The determinants of leadership style assessment differ greatly across political parties. }, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {Article} }
The external image of party leaders has often been analysed through their behaviour or reflection in the media. However, we know little about how party leaders are seen internally. This article addresses this gap in the literature and seeks to explain what determines the variation in party members’ perceptions of leadership styles. It builds on the transactional–transformational continuum and uses original survey data from a modified version of the Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire. The analysis includes 12 political parties with parliamentary representation from Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania between 2004 and 2018. The findings of the mixed-effects linear regression illustrate that in general older and active party members are more likely to see their leaders as transformational. The determinants of leadership style assessment differ greatly across political parties.
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Gherghina, S. The perceptions of party leadership styles in new democracies Journal Article Routledge, 2020, ISBN: @book{T.2020b,
title = {The perceptions of party leadership styles in new democracies}, author = {Gherghina, S.}, url = {https://eprints.gla.ac.uk/212671/}, issn = {1062-7987}, year = {2020}, date = {2020 03 17}, publisher = {Routledge}, abstract = { Party leaders are highly relevant for contemporary political arenas. Their leadership styles have been often investigated relative to their behaviour and attitudes, but rarely through the lenses of those who observe them closely. This article aims to fill this gap in the literature and compares the ways in which party members and experts evaluate leaders on the transactional–transformational continuum. It uses individual-level data from a survey conducted in 2018 with a modified version of the MLQ. The analysis focuses on eight parliamentary parties in Romania and Bulgaria, covering 19 party leaders and 33 terms over a period of 15 years (2004–2018). The results indicate important differences in the assessment of party leaders, with members having more heterogeneous opinions and seeing them more transformational in comparison to experts. }, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {Article} }
Party leaders are highly relevant for contemporary political arenas. Their leadership styles have been often investigated relative to their behaviour and attitudes, but rarely through the lenses of those who observe them closely. This article aims to fill this gap in the literature and compares the ways in which party members and experts evaluate leaders on the transactional–transformational continuum. It uses individual-level data from a survey conducted in 2018 with a modified version of the MLQ. The analysis focuses on eight parliamentary parties in Romania and Bulgaria, covering 19 party leaders and 33 terms over a period of 15 years (2004–2018). The results indicate important differences in the assessment of party leaders, with members having more heterogeneous opinions and seeing them more transformational in comparison to experts.
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Antonella Seddone & Giulia Sandri Primary elections and party grassroots: participation, innovation and resistance Journal Article Routledge, 2020, ISBN: @book{T.2020b,
title = {Primary elections and party grassroots: participation, innovation and resistance}, author = {Antonella Seddone & Giulia Sandri}, url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41304-020-00268-9}, isbn = { }, year = {2020}, date = {2020 06 25}, publisher = {Routledge}, abstract = { Drawing upon both the “party democratization” and “decline in party membership” literature, this paper explores how party members perceive the introduction of primary elections as procedures for selecting candidates and/or party leaders. Using Italy as an illustration, the analysis of survey data on party members from three major parties (Partito Democratico, Lega Nord, Movimento 5 Stelle) reveals three main findings. First, members approve and positively assess the adoption of new procedures of intra-party democracy. Second, membership opinions on intra-party democracy are clearly determined by the organizational structures of the party. Granting formal powers over not only to party members, but also supporters and voters, may hide a weakening of the role of the party on the ground and that it eventually limits the organizational function of party grassroots to a “cheerleading” role. Third, new members differ significantly from long-standing members in their attitudes and behaviour. }, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {Article} }
Drawing upon both the “party democratization” and “decline in party membership” literature, this paper explores how party members perceive the introduction of primary elections as procedures for selecting candidates and/or party leaders. Using Italy as an illustration, the analysis of survey data on party members from three major parties (Partito Democratico, Lega Nord, Movimento 5 Stelle) reveals three main findings. First, members approve and positively assess the adoption of new procedures of intra-party democracy. Second, membership opinions on intra-party democracy are clearly determined by the organizational structures of the party. Granting formal powers over not only to party members, but also supporters and voters, may hide a weakening of the role of the party on the ground and that it eventually limits the organizational function of party grassroots to a “cheerleading” role. Third, new members differ significantly from long-standing members in their attitudes and behaviour.
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Alison F. Smith Political Party Membership in New Democracies Book Routledge, 2020, ISBN: 978-3-030-41795-6 . @book{T.2020b,
title = {Political Party Membership in New Democracies}, author = {Alison F. Smith}, url = {https://link.springer.com/bookseries/15036}, isbn = {978-3-030-41795-6}, year = {2020}, date = {2019-05-13}, publisher = {Routledge}, abstract = { Party youth wings are common all over the world. They are expected to play an important role in linking young people to political parties. However, empirical research on the performance of party youth wings is scarce and political youth participation is seen as problematic. To what extent have party youth wings actually succeeded in attracting members over the last decade? And how can variations in party youth wing membership levels be explained? In order to answer these questions, this article develops and tests organization-based explanations on a unique dataset that contains data for nine party youth wings and the corresponding mother parties in the Netherlands over a period from 2001 to 2016. It is found that youth wings are still a popular form of organizational linkage for parties. While the total party youth wing membership in the Netherlands is on the rise, large variations between party youth wings and their mother parties exist. Youth wing membership levels appear to be affected by the membership levels of the mother party. Other party-related characteristics, such as ideology and electoral success, do not seem to play a role. }, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} }
Party youth wings are common all over the world. They are expected to play an important role in linking young people to political parties. However, empirical research on the performance of party youth wings is scarce and political youth participation is seen as problematic. To what extent have party youth wings actually succeeded in attracting members over the last decade? And how can variations in party youth wing membership levels be explained? In order to answer these questions, this article develops and tests organization-based explanations on a unique dataset that contains data for nine party youth wings and the corresponding mother parties in the Netherlands over a period from 2001 to 2016. It is found that youth wings are still a popular form of organizational linkage for parties. While the total party youth wing membership in the Netherlands is on the rise, large variations between party youth wings and their mother parties exist. Youth wing membership levels appear to be affected by the membership levels of the mother party. Other party-related characteristics,
such as ideology and electoral success, do not seem to play a role.
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2019 |
Bale T. Webb P., Poletti M Footsoldiers: Political Party Membership in the 21st Century Book Routledge, 2019, ISBN: 9781138302464. @book{T.2019b,
title = {Footsoldiers: Political Party Membership in the 21st Century}, author = {Bale T., Webb P., Poletti M.}, url = {https://www.routledge.com/Footsoldiers-Political-Party-Membership-in-the-21st-Century-1st-Edition/Bale-Webb-Poletti/p/book/9781138302464}, isbn = {9781138302464}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-08-12}, publisher = {Routledge}, abstract = {This accessible, rigorously researched and highly revealing book lifts the lid on political party membership. It represents the first in-depth study of six of the UK’s biggest parties – Labour, the Conservatives, the Scottish National Party, the Liberal Democrats, UK Independence Party and the Greens – carried out simultaneously, thereby providing invaluable new insights into members’ social characteristics, attitudes, activities and campaigning, reasons for joining and leaving, and views on how their parties should be run and who should represent them. In short, at a time of great pressure on, and change across parties, this book helps us discover not only what members want out of their parties but what parties want out of their members. This text is essential reading for those interested in political parties, party membership, elections and campaigning, representation, and political participation, be they scholars and students of British and comparative politics, or politicians, journalists and party members – in short, anyone who cares about the future of representative democracy.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } This accessible, rigorously researched and highly revealing book lifts the lid on political party membership. It represents the first in-depth study of six of the UK’s biggest parties – Labour, the Conservatives, the Scottish National Party, the Liberal Democrats, UK Independence Party and the Greens – carried out simultaneously, thereby providing invaluable new insights into members’ social characteristics, attitudes, activities and campaigning, reasons for joining and leaving, and views on how their parties should be run and who should represent them. In short, at a time of great pressure on, and change across parties, this book helps us discover not only what members want out of their parties but what parties want out of their members. This text is essential reading for those interested in political parties, party membership, elections and campaigning, representation, and political participation, be they scholars and students of British and comparative politics, or politicians, journalists and party members – in short, anyone who cares about the future of representative democracy. |
Bale T. Webb P., Poletti M Participating Locally and Nationally: Explaining the Offline and Online Activism of British Party Members Journal Article Political Studies, 67 (3), pp. 658-675, 2019. @article{T.2019, title = {Participating Locally and Nationally: Explaining the Offline and Online Activism of British Party Members}, author = {Bale T., Webb P., Poletti M.}, url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0032321718794740}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0032321718794740}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-08-01}, journal = {Political Studies}, volume = {67}, number = {3}, pages = {658-675}, abstract = {Drawing on survey data on the members of six British parties gathered in the immediate aftermath of the general election of 2015, this article addresses the question of what members do for their parties during campaigns. It identifies a key distinction between traditional forms of activity and more recent forms of online campaign participation. While the well-established general incentives theory of participation continues to offer a useful basis for explaining both types of campaign activism, we find that our understanding is significantly enhanced by considering the impact of national and local political contexts. Whereas the former chiefly adds explanatory value to the model of online participation by party members, the latter considerably improves the model of offline participation.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Drawing on survey data on the members of six British parties gathered in the immediate aftermath of the general election of 2015, this article addresses the question of what members do for their parties during campaigns. It identifies a key distinction between traditional forms of activity and more recent forms of online campaign participation. While the well-established general incentives theory of participation continues to offer a useful basis for explaining both types of campaign activism, we find that our understanding is significantly enhanced by considering the impact of national and local political contexts. Whereas the former chiefly adds explanatory value to the model of online participation by party members, the latter considerably improves the model of offline participation. |
de Ch., Roon Party youth wing membership in the Netherlands: the role of organization-level characteristics Journal Article Acta Politica, 2019. @article{deRoon2019, title = {Party youth wing membership in the Netherlands: the role of organization-level characteristics}, author = {de Roon Ch.}, url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41269-019-00135-6}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.1057/s41269-019-00135-6}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-05-09}, journal = {Acta Politica}, abstract = {Party youth wings are common all over the world. They are expected to play an important role in linking young people to political parties. However, empirical research on the performance of party youth wings is scarce and political youth participation is seen as problematic. To what extent have party youth wings actually succeeded in attracting members over the last decade? And how can variations in party youth wing membership levels be explained? In order to answer these questions, this article develops and tests organization-based explanations on a unique dataset that contains data for nine party youth wings and the corresponding mother parties in the Netherlands over a period from 2001 to 2016. It is found that youth wings are still a popular form of organizational linkage for parties. While the total party youth wing membership in the Netherlands is on the rise, large variations between party youth wings and their mother parties exist. Youth wing membership levels appear to be affected by the membership levels of the mother party. Other party-related characteristics, such as ideology and electoral success, do not seem to play a role.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Party youth wings are common all over the world. They are expected to play an important role in linking young people to political parties. However, empirical research on the performance of party youth wings is scarce and political youth participation is seen as problematic. To what extent have party youth wings actually succeeded in attracting members over the last decade? And how can variations in party youth wing membership levels be explained? In order to answer these questions, this article develops and tests organization-based explanations on a unique dataset that contains data for nine party youth wings and the corresponding mother parties in the Netherlands over a period from 2001 to 2016. It is found that youth wings are still a popular form of organizational linkage for parties. While the total party youth wing membership in the Netherlands is on the rise, large variations between party youth wings and their mother parties exist. Youth wing membership levels appear to be affected by the membership levels of the mother party. Other party-related characteristics, such as ideology and electoral success, do not seem to play a role. |
Heidar K., Wauters (eds) B Routledge, London, 2019, ISBN: 9780815362944. @book{K.2019, title = {Do Parties Still Represent? An Analysis of the Representativeness of Political Parties in Western Democracies}, author = {Heidar K., Wauters B. (eds)}, url = {https://www.routledge.com/Do-Parties-Still-Represent-An-Analysis-of-the-Representativeness-of-Political/Heidar-Wauters/p/book/9780815362944}, isbn = {9780815362944}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-04-26}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, abstract = {This book examines the representativeness of party membership and analyses the potential consequences of changing representativeness. Parties with high membership ratios, as well as those experiencing severe decline, are compared and examined across countries with varying constitutional arrangements and party systems. The book discusses whether changing representative capacities lead to declining political representation of (group) interests, less representative party candidate selection processes, and declining legitimacy for the political system. The book bridges two subareas that are usually not in conversation with each other: literature on the decline of party membership and that on group representation (gender, ethnic minorities and other social groups). This text will be of key interest to students and scholars of party politics, political parties, representation and elections, and more broadly to people interested in European and comparative politics.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } This book examines the representativeness of party membership and analyses the potential consequences of changing representativeness. Parties with high membership ratios, as well as those experiencing severe decline, are compared and examined across countries with varying constitutional arrangements and party systems. The book discusses whether changing representative capacities lead to declining political representation of (group) interests, less representative party candidate selection processes, and declining legitimacy for the political system. The book bridges two subareas that are usually not in conversation with each other: literature on the decline of party membership and that on group representation (gender, ethnic minorities and other social groups). This text will be of key interest to students and scholars of party politics, political parties, representation and elections, and more broadly to people interested in European and comparative politics. |
van Haute E., Wauters B Do characteristics of consociational democracies still apply to Belgian parties? Journal Article Politics of the Low Countries, 1 (1), pp. 6-26, 2019. @article{vanE.2019, title = {Do characteristics of consociational democracies still apply to Belgian parties?}, author = {van Haute E., Wauters B.}, url = {https://www.elevenjournals.com/tijdschrift/PLC/2019/1/PLC_2589-9929_2019_001_001_002}, doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/PLC/258999292019001001002}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-04-15}, journal = {Politics of the Low Countries}, volume = {1}, number = {1}, pages = {6-26}, abstract = {Belgium has long been described as a typical case of a consociational or consensus democracy. This article aims at identifying whether political parties in Belgium share the internal characteristics of parties in consensus democracies: passive mass memberships, the importance of purposive and material incentives for joining, and representation of a clear subculture in the social and attitudinal profiles of their members and via overlapping memberships with related organizations. We mobilize longitudinal party membership data and party member surveys conducted in three different time periods. We show that pillar parties still exercise their role of mobilization and representation of societal segments, but these segments tend to become smaller over time. New parties offer alternative options of mobilization and representation, although not always in line with the specific institutional arrangements of consociational democracy.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Belgium has long been described as a typical case of a consociational or consensus democracy. This article aims at identifying whether political parties in Belgium share the internal characteristics of parties in consensus democracies: passive mass memberships, the importance of purposive and material incentives for joining, and representation of a clear subculture in the social and attitudinal profiles of their members and via overlapping memberships with related organizations. We mobilize longitudinal party membership data and party member surveys conducted in three different time periods. We show that pillar parties still exercise their role of mobilization and representation of societal segments, but these segments tend to become smaller over time. New parties offer alternative options of mobilization and representation, although not always in line with the specific institutional arrangements of consociational democracy. |
Webb P. Bale T., Poletti M Social networkers and careerists: Explaining high-intensity activism among British party members Journal Article International Political Science Review, 2019. @article{Webb2019, title = {Social networkers and careerists: Explaining high-intensity activism among British party members}, author = {Webb P., Bale T., Poletti M.}, url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0192512118820691}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0192512118820691}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-03-27}, journal = {International Political Science Review}, abstract = {Drawing on survey data on the members of six British parties gathered in the immediate aftermath of the general election of 2015, this article asks what motivates members to engage in high-intensity election campaign activism. It argues that two factors are especially prominent: the aspiration to pursue a career in politics (which only accounts for a small minority of these activists) and becoming integrated into a local social network (which accounts for a much larger proportion). By contrast, members who lack either of these characteristics, but are mainly motivated to join by ideological impulses, largely restrict themselves to low-intensity activity. These findings are likely to be especially pertinent to countries with single-member district electoral systems.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Drawing on survey data on the members of six British parties gathered in the immediate aftermath of the general election of 2015, this article asks what motivates members to engage in high-intensity election campaign activism. It argues that two factors are especially prominent: the aspiration to pursue a career in politics (which only accounts for a small minority of these activists) and becoming integrated into a local social network (which accounts for a much larger proportion). By contrast, members who lack either of these characteristics, but are mainly motivated to join by ideological impulses, largely restrict themselves to low-intensity activity. These findings are likely to be especially pertinent to countries with single-member district electoral systems. |
de Vet B. Poletti M., Wauters B The party (un)faithful: Explaining party members’ defecting voting behaviour in different contexts (Belgium and Britain) Journal Article Party Politics, 2019. @article{deB.2019, title = {The party (un)faithful: Explaining party members’ defecting voting behaviour in different contexts (Belgium and Britain)}, author = {de Vet B., Poletti M., Wauters B.}, url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1354068819836046}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-03-13}, journal = {Party Politics}, abstract = {Party members are often depicted as loyal voters that supply the party with a small but steady electoral base. Research, however, suggests that party members occasionally vote for other parties in general elections. This might either be a strategic choice or an indication of their discontent, possibly preceding a choice to exit the party. Using original survey data on more than 9000 party members in Flanders (Belgium) and Britain, this article aims to extend our understanding of why party members defect. We test hypotheses that take into account both individual and party-level considerations (ideological concerns, leadership evaluations and strategic choices) and the conditioning effects of party and electoral systems. Our analysis shows that institutional settings are crucial for strategic voting, whereas ideological concerns and leadership evaluations matter equally in both countries. As such, our study provides important insights in the attitudes and behaviour of party members, contributing to current debates on the contemporary meaning of party membership.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Party members are often depicted as loyal voters that supply the party with a small but steady electoral base. Research, however, suggests that party members occasionally vote for other parties in general elections. This might either be a strategic choice or an indication of their discontent, possibly preceding a choice to exit the party. Using original survey data on more than 9000 party members in Flanders (Belgium) and Britain, this article aims to extend our understanding of why party members defect. We test hypotheses that take into account both individual and party-level considerations (ideological concerns, leadership evaluations and strategic choices) and the conditioning effects of party and electoral systems. Our analysis shows that institutional settings are crucial for strategic voting, whereas ideological concerns and leadership evaluations matter equally in both countries. As such, our study provides important insights in the attitudes and behaviour of party members, contributing to current debates on the contemporary meaning of party membership. |
Whiteley P. Poletti M., Webb Bale P T Oh Jeremy Corbyn! Why did Labour Party membership soar after the 2015 general election? Journal Article The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 21 (1), pp. 80-98, 2019. @article{P.2019, title = {Oh Jeremy Corbyn! Why did Labour Party membership soar after the 2015 general election?}, author = {Whiteley P., Poletti M., Webb P., Bale T.}, url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1369148118815408}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1369148118815408}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-02-01}, journal = {The British Journal of Politics and International Relations}, volume = {21}, number = {1}, pages = {80-98}, abstract = {This article investigates the remarkable surge in individual membership of the Labour Party after the general election of May 2015, particularly after Jeremy Corbyn was officially nominated as a candidate for the leadership in June of that year. Using both British Election Study and Party Members Project data, we explain the surge by focussing on the attitudinal, ideological and demographic characteristics of the members themselves. Findings suggest that, along with support for the leader and yearning for a new style of politics, feelings of relative deprivation played a significant part: many ‘left-behind’ voters (some well-educated, some less so) joined Labour for the first time when a candidate with a clearly radical profile appeared on the leadership ballot. Anti-capitalist and left-wing values mattered too, particularly for those former members who decided to return to the party.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } This article investigates the remarkable surge in individual membership of the Labour Party after the general election of May 2015, particularly after Jeremy Corbyn was officially nominated as a candidate for the leadership in June of that year. Using both British Election Study and Party Members Project data, we explain the surge by focussing on the attitudinal, ideological and demographic characteristics of the members themselves. Findings suggest that, along with support for the leader and yearning for a new style of politics, feelings of relative deprivation played a significant part: many ‘left-behind’ voters (some well-educated, some less so) joined Labour for the first time when a candidate with a clearly radical profile appeared on the leadership ballot. Anti-capitalist and left-wing values mattered too, particularly for those former members who decided to return to the party. |
Gauja A., Grömping M The expanding party universe: Patterns of partisan engagement in Australia and the United Kingdom Journal Article Party Politics, 2019. @article{A.2019, title = {The expanding party universe: Patterns of partisan engagement in Australia and the United Kingdom}, author = {Gauja A., Grömping M.}, url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1354068818822251}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-01-29}, journal = {Party Politics}, abstract = {Although membership is declining, parties continue to perform roles central to democratic governance in modern societies. Given this seeming paradox, we suggest that partisan identification, in complementing studies of formal membership, is a promising way of assessing the strength of parties’ democratic linkage. Using data from an original survey of voters in Australia and the United Kingdom, we analyse the participatory and demographic profiles of party supporters. We show that there are significant differences between supporters and those not committed to any party, as well as between supporters based on the strength of their party identification, substantiating the idea that parties can be conceptualized as a series of concentric circles of increasing engagement but declining representativeness. Stronger supporters are more likely to engage with parties online, volunteer and donate, but are older, more likely to be male and less likely to be foreign-born. Our findings have important implications for democratic practice as parties seek to expand and rejuvenate their networks of affiliates.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Although membership is declining, parties continue to perform roles central to democratic governance in modern societies. Given this seeming paradox, we suggest that partisan identification, in complementing studies of formal membership, is a promising way of assessing the strength of parties’ democratic linkage. Using data from an original survey of voters in Australia and the United Kingdom, we analyse the participatory and demographic profiles of party supporters. We show that there are significant differences between supporters and those not committed to any party, as well as between supporters based on the strength of their party identification, substantiating the idea that parties can be conceptualized as a series of concentric circles of increasing engagement but declining representativeness. Stronger supporters are more likely to engage with parties online, volunteer and donate, but are older, more likely to be male and less likely to be foreign-born. Our findings have important implications for democratic practice as parties seek to expand and rejuvenate their networks of affiliates. |
Poletti M. Webb P., Bale T Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain Journal Article West European Politics , 42 (1), pp. 156-172, 2019. @article{M.2019, title = {Why do only some people who support parties actually join them? Evidence from Britain}, author = {Poletti M., Webb P., Bale T.}, url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2018.1479921}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2018.1479921}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-01-15}, journal = {West European Politics }, volume = {42}, number = {1}, pages = {156-172}, abstract = {What makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally. }, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } What makes people join a political party is one of the most commonly studied questions in research on party members. Nearly all this research, however, is based on talking to people who have actually joined parties. This article simultaneously analyses surveys of members of political parties in Britain and surveys of non-member supporters of those same parties. This uniquely enables us to model the decision to join parties. The results suggest that most of the elements that constitute the influential ‘General Incentives Model’ are significant. But it also reveals that, while party supporters imagine that selective benefits, social norms and opposing rival parties’ policies are key factors in members’ decisions to join a party, those who actually do so are more likely to say they are motivated by attachments to their party’s values, policies and leaders, as well as by an altruistic desire to support democracy more generally. |
Koivula A. Koiranen I., Saarinen A 2019. @article{A.2019b, title = {Social and ideological representativeness: A comparison of political party members and supporters in Finland after the realignment of major parties}, author = {Koivula A., Koiranen I., Saarinen A.}, url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1354068818819243}, year = {2019}, date = {2019-01-07}, abstract = {This study provides a new frame of reference for understanding intraparty dynamics by analyzing party members’ representativeness with respect to party supporters regarding socioeconomic status and ideological spectrum in a multiparty system, namely that of Finland. The analysis is based on a unique member-based survey of Finland’s six major political parties (N = 12,427), which is combined with supporter data derived from a nationally representative survey (N = 1648). The clearest difference was found between supporters’ and members’ social status as members were generally in clearly higher social positions. However, there is a wider gap between parties when comparing supporters than members in terms of social status. Findings showed that political opinions on income equality is still a key difference between traditional mass parties at the different levels of party stratum, while incongruence within parties was relatively low. In contrast to the traditional parties, the newer parties, namely the Finns and the Greens, are ideologically close to their supporters in terms of attitudes concerning immigration and environment. Together, these findings provide an interesting landscape of the last decade’s changes in the Finnish political spectrum and contribute to the ongoing discussion on the changing forms of political parties.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } This study provides a new frame of reference for understanding intraparty dynamics by analyzing party members’ representativeness with respect to party supporters regarding socioeconomic status and ideological spectrum in a multiparty system, namely that of Finland. The analysis is based on a unique member-based survey of Finland’s six major political parties (N = 12,427), which is combined with supporter data derived from a nationally representative survey (N = 1648). The clearest difference was found between supporters’ and members’ social status as members were generally in clearly higher social positions. However, there is a wider gap between parties when comparing supporters than members in terms of social status. Findings showed that political opinions on income equality is still a key difference between traditional mass parties at the different levels of party stratum, while incongruence within parties was relatively low. In contrast to the traditional parties, the newer parties, namely the Finns and the Greens, are ideologically close to their supporters in terms of attitudes concerning immigration and environment. Together, these findings provide an interesting landscape of the last decade’s changes in the Finnish political spectrum and contribute to the ongoing discussion on the changing forms of political parties. |
2018 |
Hooghe M., Kölln A -K Types of party affiliation and the multi-speed party: What kind of party support is functionally equivalent to party membership? Journal Article Party Politics, 2018. @article{M.2018, title = {Types of party affiliation and the multi-speed party: What kind of party support is functionally equivalent to party membership?}, author = {Hooghe M., Kölln A.-K.}, url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1354068818794220}, year = {2018}, date = {2018-08-18}, journal = {Party Politics}, abstract = {Research has repeatedly shown that formal party membership is in structural decline in liberal democracies. The same strongly negative trend, however, has not been observed for less formal forms of party attachment and authors have claimed that this leads to a pattern of multi-speed party adherence. In the current analysis, we investigate to what extent non-formalized forms of adhering to a political party have the same attitudinal and behavioural functions as formal party membership. The analysis is based on a 4-year (2011–2015) panel study in the Netherlands. The results indicate that party supporters are characterized by lower levels of commitment and stability than party members. What seems to matter, however, is the level of conviction, and a smaller group of highly motivated supporters resembles party members quite strongly. We close with some observations on how political parties might react to this deinstitutionalization of party attachment. }, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Research has repeatedly shown that formal party membership is in structural decline in liberal democracies. The same strongly negative trend, however, has not been observed for less formal forms of party attachment and authors have claimed that this leads to a pattern of multi-speed party adherence. In the current analysis, we investigate to what extent non-formalized forms of adhering to a political party have the same attitudinal and behavioural functions as formal party membership. The analysis is based on a 4-year (2011–2015) panel study in the Netherlands. The results indicate that party supporters are characterized by lower levels of commitment and stability than party members. What seems to matter, however, is the level of conviction, and a smaller group of highly motivated supporters resembles party members quite strongly. We close with some observations on how political parties might react to this deinstitutionalization of party attachment. |
Gherghina, Sergiu; Iancu, Alexandra; Soare, Sorina Party Members and Their Importance in Non-EU Countries. A comparative analysis. Book Routledge, London, 2018, ISBN: 9781351781213. @book{Gherghina2018, title = {Party Members and Their Importance in Non-EU Countries. A comparative analysis.}, author = {Sergiu Gherghina and Alexandra Iancu and Sorina Soare}, url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781351781213}, isbn = { 9781351781213}, year = {2018}, date = {2018-05-23}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, abstract = {Although party membership has been extensively analysed in the EU Members States from Western and Eastern Europe, there is a gap in systematic data collection and analyses for the other countries in the Balkans and post-Soviet region. This book provides new and innovative insights in the area of party membership research to analyse the evolution of membership organizations in political parties from under-investigated countries. Specifically, it seeks to understand the way in which political parties and the national legislation conceptualize the notion of membership within and across countries. It provides original data and affords a first comprehensive, comparative study of party members in the EU neighbouring countries, which resonate particular interest because some of them occupy the \ »precarious middle ground between a full-fledge democracy and outright dictatorship\ ». In light of these relevant observations, this systematic analysis of membership evolutions in democratizing countries brings valuable insights for the study of party politics in general. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of political parties and party systems, party organisation and elections, post-Soviet and East European politics and more broadly to democratization studies and comparative politics.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } Although party membership has been extensively analysed in the EU Members States from Western and Eastern Europe, there is a gap in systematic data collection and analyses for the other countries in the Balkans and post-Soviet region. This book provides new and innovative insights in the area of party membership research to analyse the evolution of membership organizations in political parties from under-investigated countries. Specifically, it seeks to understand the way in which political parties and the national legislation conceptualize the notion of membership within and across countries. It provides original data and affords a first comprehensive, comparative study of party members in the EU neighbouring countries, which resonate particular interest because some of them occupy the "precarious middle ground between a full-fledge democracy and outright dictatorship". In light of these relevant observations, this systematic analysis of membership evolutions in democratizing countries brings valuable insights for the study of party politics in general. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of political parties and party systems, party organisation and elections, post-Soviet and East European politics and more broadly to democratization studies and comparative politics. |
Passarelli, Gianluca; Tuorto, Dario The meanings of party membership. A comparison of three parties Journal Article Contemporary Italian Politics, First Published Online , 2018. @article{Passarelli2018, title = {The meanings of party membership. A comparison of three parties}, author = {Gianluca Passarelli and Dario Tuorto}, url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23248823.2018.1474566?scroll=top&needAccess=true}, year = {2018}, date = {2018-05-21}, journal = {Contemporary Italian Politics}, volume = {First Published Online}, abstract = {For many years after World War Two, the mass party model dominated Italian politics. High rates of membership and activism were considered to be essential for optimising electoral performance, for optimising organisational resources, and for the legitimacy of the party itself. However, since the 1970s, and in particular since 1989, party-membership linkages have begun to weaken. Taking its point of departure from the recent literature, this article offers a theoretical framework for the examination of three different meanings of membership, associated with changing models of party organisation. Data from national election surveys, and from qualitative research on party activists, support the proposed theoretical framework. The article focuses on three Italian parties – the Democratic Party, the Northern League and the Five-star Movement – discussing the similarities and differences, with implications for cross-national comparative studies.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } For many years after World War Two, the mass party model dominated Italian politics. High rates of membership and activism were considered to be essential for optimising electoral performance, for optimising organisational resources, and for the legitimacy of the party itself. However, since the 1970s, and in particular since 1989, party-membership linkages have begun to weaken. Taking its point of departure from the recent literature, this article offers a theoretical framework for the examination of three different meanings of membership, associated with changing models of party organisation. Data from national election surveys, and from qualitative research on party activists, support the proposed theoretical framework. The article focuses on three Italian parties – the Democratic Party, the Northern League and the Five-star Movement – discussing the similarities and differences, with implications for cross-national comparative studies. |
Ribeiro, Pedro; Locatelli, Luis Gustavo The Proof of the Pudding: Members, Money and Party Organizational Strength in Latin America Journal Article 2018. @article{Ribeiro2018, title = {The Proof of the Pudding: Members, Money and Party Organizational Strength in Latin America}, author = {Pedro Ribeiro and Luis Gustavo Locatelli}, url = {https://www.researchgate.net/publication/325880704_The_Proof_of_the_Pudding_Members_Money_and_Party_Organizational_Strength_in_Latin_America}, year = {2018}, date = {2018-03-02}, abstract = {This is a preprint version. The up-to-date version is currently under peer review to be published in an academic journal. An early version was presented at the 113th APSA Annual Meeting, San Francisco, CA, August-September 2017. The objective of this paper is to contribute to expand the research on party organizations to a region that has been hitherto mostly ignored by the comparative literature. We analyze 30 parties in three Latin American countries – Brazil, Mexico and Chile – based on variables proposed by the Political Party Database Project (PPDB), and we compare their performance in key indicators (money, members and intraparty democracy) with the initial findings of the project. So far, the literature has taken for granted that Latin American parties are organizationally weak, even without systematic comparative analysis. We propose the ‘proof of the pudding’ for the first time. In order to test the relative strength of Latin American parties, we compare them with parties in other third or fourth-wave democracies, but also with parties in advanced democracies. Altogether, we employ a database with 152 parties in 22 countries. The findings indicate that the major difference between Latin American parties and PPDB round 1 parties is about the income; but they compensate the lack of money with the mass mobilization. According to the Party Strength Index (PSI), parties in Brazil and Chile are organizationally weaker than those of consolidated democracies. However, due to the greater capacity for mass mobilization, Latin American parties are stronger than Eastern European parties. Overall, the most significant differences are between ‘new’ and ‘old’ democracies, not between Latin American countries and the others. This is an important finding, suggesting that parties in the region are comparable to the ‘usual suspects’.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } This is a preprint version. The up-to-date version is currently under peer review to be published in an academic journal. An early version was presented at the 113th APSA Annual Meeting, San Francisco, CA, August-September 2017. The objective of this paper is to contribute to expand the research on party organizations to a region that has been hitherto mostly ignored by the comparative literature. We analyze 30 parties in three Latin American countries – Brazil, Mexico and Chile – based on variables proposed by the Political Party Database Project (PPDB), and we compare their performance in key indicators (money, members and intraparty democracy) with the initial findings of the project. So far, the literature has taken for granted that Latin American parties are organizationally weak, even without systematic comparative analysis. We propose the ‘proof of the pudding’ for the first time. In order to test the relative strength of Latin American parties, we compare them with parties in other third or fourth-wave democracies, but also with parties in advanced democracies. Altogether, we employ a database with 152 parties in 22 countries. The findings indicate that the major difference between Latin American parties and PPDB round 1 parties is about the income; but they compensate the lack of money with the mass mobilization. According to the Party Strength Index (PSI), parties in Brazil and Chile are organizationally weaker than those of consolidated democracies. However, due to the greater capacity for mass mobilization, Latin American parties are stronger than Eastern European parties. Overall, the most significant differences are between ‘new’ and ‘old’ democracies, not between Latin American countries and the others. This is an important finding, suggesting that parties in the region are comparable to the ‘usual suspects’. |
Bale T., Webb P "We Didn’t See it Coming”: The Conservatives Journal Article Parliamentary Affairs, 71 (1), pp. 46-58, 2018. @article{T.2018, title = {« We Didn’t See it Coming”: The Conservatives}, author = {Bale T., Webb P.}, url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article/71/suppl_1/46/4930853}, year = {2018}, date = {2018-03-01}, journal = {Parliamentary Affairs}, volume = {71}, number = {1}, pages = {46-58}, abstract = {Theresa May’s decision to call an early election was clearly a foolish one—but only in hindsight. After all, opinion polls had been showing the Conservatives way ahead of Labour for months and they had not long before chalked up the first by-election gain from the opposition by a governing party for thirty-five years. Moreover, on almost every leadership measure one cared to mention, Mrs May was beating Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn hands down. And if anyone had counselled her to wait for the results of local election results before deciding, they could easily have been accused of looking unduly cautious: in the event, in England and Wales the Conservatives gained nearly 400 seats, Labour lost nearly 250 and UKIP over 140, while the much-anticipated Liberal Democrat revival came to nothing; north of the border, Labour and the SNP both lost support, allowing the Conservatives to claim second place. Hardly surprising, then, that all the talk was not of whether May would win but by how many seats, and what would that mean both for Brexit and the future of the Labour Party.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Theresa May’s decision to call an early election was clearly a foolish one—but only in hindsight. After all, opinion polls had been showing the Conservatives way ahead of Labour for months and they had not long before chalked up the first by-election gain from the opposition by a governing party for thirty-five years. Moreover, on almost every leadership measure one cared to mention, Mrs May was beating Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn hands down. And if anyone had counselled her to wait for the results of local election results before deciding, they could easily have been accused of looking unduly cautious: in the event, in England and Wales the Conservatives gained nearly 400 seats, Labour lost nearly 250 and UKIP over 140, while the much-anticipated Liberal Democrat revival came to nothing; north of the border, Labour and the SNP both lost support, allowing the Conservatives to claim second place. Hardly surprising, then, that all the talk was not of whether May would win but by how many seats, and what would that mean both for Brexit and the future of the Labour Party. |
Erdogan, Gulgun; Tanju, Tosun; Gökmen, Yusuf Can Party membership and political participation in Turkey Book Chapter Sabri Sayarı Pelin Ayan Musil, Özhan Demirkol (Ed.): 2018. @inbook{Erdogan2018, title = {Party membership and political participation in Turkey}, author = {Gulgun Erdogan and Tosun Tanju and Yusuf Can Gökmen}, editor = {Sabri Sayarı, Pelin Ayan Musil, Özhan Demirkol}, url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781315461885/chapters/10.4324%2F9781315461892-12}, year = {2018}, date = {2018-02-05}, abstract = {Although political parties are considered to be ‘life channels’ connecting the state and the citizens, today they are often considered to be in a process of crisis or decline. Two decades ago, Mair (1997) claimed that among the three distinct elements of party organization – the party in public office, the party in central office and the party on the ground – the first two remain strong, but the third is in decline. Seyd and Whiteley (2004) similarly argued that contemporary parties were becoming organizations with relatively few members or even none at all as distinct from supporters. The aim of this chapter is to evaluate these arguments in the Turkish case.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Although political parties are considered to be ‘life channels’ connecting the state and the citizens, today they are often considered to be in a process of crisis or decline. Two decades ago, Mair (1997) claimed that among the three distinct elements of party organization – the party in public office, the party in central office and the party on the ground – the first two remain strong, but the third is in decline. Seyd and Whiteley (2004) similarly argued that contemporary parties were becoming organizations with relatively few members or even none at all as distinct from supporters. The aim of this chapter is to evaluate these arguments in the Turkish case. |
Koo, Sejin Can intraparty democracy save party activism? Evidence from Korea Journal Article Party Politics, First Published Online , 2018. @article{Koo2018, title = {Can intraparty democracy save party activism? Evidence from Korea}, author = {Sejin Koo}, url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1354068818754601}, year = {2018}, date = {2018-01-31}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {First Published Online}, abstract = {This article focuses on Korean parties to address the following gaps in the literature on party member activism: First, little attention has been paid to party members in non-Western democracies. Second, it is unclear how intraparty democracy is related to member activism. Unlike most industrialized democracies, South Korea has recently seen a notable growth in party membership. However, dues-paying remains the exception rather than the rule in the major parties, while the opposite is true for the minor, leftist parties. Using data from party member surveys, I examine the determinants of member activism across three Korean parties, focusing on the effect of members’ evaluations of the internal democracy of their party. I argue that dues-paying has risen as a new form of activism as democracy has been consolidated and present evidence for a paradox of intra-party democracy that members positively evaluating internal democracy of their party remain less active.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } This article focuses on Korean parties to address the following gaps in the literature on party member activism: First, little attention has been paid to party members in non-Western democracies. Second, it is unclear how intraparty democracy is related to member activism. Unlike most industrialized democracies, South Korea has recently seen a notable growth in party membership. However, dues-paying remains the exception rather than the rule in the major parties, while the opposite is true for the minor, leftist parties. Using data from party member surveys, I examine the determinants of member activism across three Korean parties, focusing on the effect of members’ evaluations of the internal democracy of their party. I argue that dues-paying has risen as a new form of activism as democracy has been consolidated and present evidence for a paradox of intra-party democracy that members positively evaluating internal democracy of their party remain less active. |
Achury, Susan; Scarrow, Susan; Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina; van Haute, Emilie The consequences of membership incentives. Do greater political benefits attract different kinds of members? Journal Article Party Politics, First Published Online , 2018. @article{Achury2018, title = {The consequences of membership incentives. Do greater political benefits attract different kinds of members?}, author = {Susan Achury and Susan Scarrow and Karina Kosiara-Pedersen and Emilie van Haute}, url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1354068818754603}, year = {2018}, date = {2018-01-31}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {First Published Online}, abstract = {In recent decades, parties in many parliamentary democracies have radically reshaped what it means to be a party member, making it easier and cheaper to join, and giving members greater direct say over party decisions. This article explores some implications of such changes, asking whether membership costs and benefits influence which supporters take the step of joining their party. In particular, it considers the impact of net membership benefits on membership demographics and on members’ ideology. The investigation examines patterns of party membership in 10 parliamentary democracies, using opinion data from the European Social Survey and data on party rules from the Political Party Database project. Our analysis shows that party supporters are more sensitive to political benefits than to financial costs, especially in terms of the ideological incongruence of who joins. As a result, parties offering higher benefits to their members have lower ideological and demographic disparities between members and other party supporters. This is a positive finding for party-based representation, in that it suggests that trends toward more inclusive decision-making processes have the potential to produce parties with memberships that are more substantively and more descriptively representative of their supporters.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } In recent decades, parties in many parliamentary democracies have radically reshaped what it means to be a party member, making it easier and cheaper to join, and giving members greater direct say over party decisions. This article explores some implications of such changes, asking whether membership costs and benefits influence which supporters take the step of joining their party. In particular, it considers the impact of net membership benefits on membership demographics and on members’ ideology. The investigation examines patterns of party membership in 10 parliamentary democracies, using opinion data from the European Social Survey and data on party rules from the Political Party Database project. Our analysis shows that party supporters are more sensitive to political benefits than to financial costs, especially in terms of the ideological incongruence of who joins. As a result, parties offering higher benefits to their members have lower ideological and demographic disparities between members and other party supporters. This is a positive finding for party-based representation, in that it suggests that trends toward more inclusive decision-making processes have the potential to produce parties with memberships that are more substantively and more descriptively representative of their supporters. |
2017 |
Santo, Paula Espirito; Costa, Bruno Ferreira Party members and activists: party membership profiles in a comparative perspective Journal Article Lusophone Journal of Cultural Studies, 4 (2), 2017. @article{EspiritoSanto2017, title = {Party members and activists: party membership profiles in a comparative perspective}, author = {Paula Espirito Santo and Bruno Ferreira Costa}, url = {http://www.rlec.pt/index.php/rlec/article/view/246/179}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-12-15}, journal = {Lusophone Journal of Cultural Studies}, volume = {4}, number = {2}, abstract = {Our starting point is that the decline of party mobilisation and political socialisation is of great importance to better understand both how democracy works and how it may survive. At national level, party member activity has significant features that are deeply seated in the na- tion’s political culture. At an individual level, party activism is a mission particular to each per- son. It is not only part of his or her unique life story but serves also as a link in the chain of party sustainability. Party mobilisation and political socialisation warrant further development in the Portuguese context, particularly the study of the choice of party members’ activity upstream. The main objective of this article is to identify, in a comparative perspective, sociodemographic basic traits, and a set of essential political and ideological attitudes of party members of three main Portuguese parties with parliamentary representation (Socialist Party – PS, Social Democratic Party – PSD, and Centro Democrático Social / Partido Popular – CDS/PP). The methodology of this study is based on the survey technique validated in the MAPP project (Working group on Members and Activists of Political Parties). This is an object scarcely analyzed in Portugal (Stock et al., 1985; Lisi & Espírito Santo, 2017), and its expected results will be those of contributing to identify causalities regarding the decrease and lack of interest for parties’ activities in politics in general, on the one hand. On the other hand, it is intended to contribute to getting to know better, in an inside party perspective, who are the party affiliates and how they can distinguish themselves from the activists.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Our starting point is that the decline of party mobilisation and political socialisation is of great importance to better understand both how democracy works and how it may survive. At national level, party member activity has significant features that are deeply seated in the na- tion’s political culture. At an individual level, party activism is a mission particular to each per- son. It is not only part of his or her unique life story but serves also as a link in the chain of party sustainability. Party mobilisation and political socialisation warrant further development in the Portuguese context, particularly the study of the choice of party members’ activity upstream. The main objective of this article is to identify, in a comparative perspective, sociodemographic basic traits, and a set of essential political and ideological attitudes of party members of three main Portuguese parties with parliamentary representation (Socialist Party – PS, Social Democratic Party – PSD, and Centro Democrático Social / Partido Popular – CDS/PP). The methodology of this study is based on the survey technique validated in the MAPP project (Working group on Members and Activists of Political Parties). This is an object scarcely analyzed in Portugal (Stock et al., 1985; Lisi & Espírito Santo, 2017), and its expected results will be those of contributing to identify causalities regarding the decrease and lack of interest for parties’ activities in politics in general, on the one hand. On the other hand, it is intended to contribute to getting to know better, in an inside party perspective, who are the party affiliates and how they can distinguish themselves from the activists. |
Wuttke, Alexander; Jungherr, Andreas; Schoen, Harald More than opinion expression: Secondary effects of intraparty referendums on party members Journal Article Party Politics, Published Online First , 2017. @article{Wuttke2017, title = {More than opinion expression: Secondary effects of intraparty referendums on party members}, author = {Alexander Wuttke and Andreas Jungherr and Harald Schoen}, url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1354068817745729}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-12-01}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {As political parties expand opportunities for intraparty participation, understanding the effects of participatory events on party actors becomes ever more important. In this study, we investigate the consequences of an intraparty referendum in a state branch of Germany’s Christian Democratic Union on beliefs and attitudes of party members. We use longitudinal survey data bracketing a nonbinding issue referendum on the party’s stance on same-sex marriage. Our analysis shows that the referendum had secondary effects that went beyond the referendum’s primary goal of delivering an informal opinion poll to the party leadership. The experience of having a say in an important policy decision fostered members’ sense of party-specific efficacy. Furthermore, the referendum provided party members with information on elite positions and stimulated leadership evaluation based on issue congruency. Altogether, involvement in intraparty decision-making promotes beliefs and behaviors among the rank and file that are relevant to uphold a vivid and empowering party life.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } As political parties expand opportunities for intraparty participation, understanding the effects of participatory events on party actors becomes ever more important. In this study, we investigate the consequences of an intraparty referendum in a state branch of Germany’s Christian Democratic Union on beliefs and attitudes of party members. We use longitudinal survey data bracketing a nonbinding issue referendum on the party’s stance on same-sex marriage. Our analysis shows that the referendum had secondary effects that went beyond the referendum’s primary goal of delivering an informal opinion poll to the party leadership. The experience of having a say in an important policy decision fostered members’ sense of party-specific efficacy. Furthermore, the referendum provided party members with information on elite positions and stimulated leadership evaluation based on issue congruency. Altogether, involvement in intraparty decision-making promotes beliefs and behaviors among the rank and file that are relevant to uphold a vivid and empowering party life. |
Raul, Gomez; Luis, Ramiro The limits of organizational innovation and multi-speed membership. Podemos and its new forms of party membership. Journal Article Party Politics, Published Online First , 2017. @article{Gomez2017, title = {The limits of organizational innovation and multi-speed membership. Podemos and its new forms of party membership.}, author = {Gomez Raul and Ramiro Luis}, url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1354068817742844#articleShareContainer}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-11-23}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {The increasing introduction of organizational innovations has changed the notion of party membership. Some political parties now offer multiple kinds of formal affiliation, whereas others offer a varied repertoire of modes of engagement in party activities without formal membership distinctions. However, little is still known about the consequences of these changes. This article studies the case of Podemos, a party that has adopted a considerably innovative approach to membership. Through an analysis of Podemos voters and affiliates, we find that the gap in resources between members and voters recurrently found in the literature remains relevant despite organizational innovation. Moreover, we investigate how members make use of the expanded options of involvement offered by the party. Findings suggest that even in extreme cases of organizational innovation members can still be grouped into concentric categories based on the intensity of their involvement. These categories, which are consistent with the patterns found in traditional party organizations, seem to be explained by members’ ideological commitment rather than resources.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } The increasing introduction of organizational innovations has changed the notion of party membership. Some political parties now offer multiple kinds of formal affiliation, whereas others offer a varied repertoire of modes of engagement in party activities without formal membership distinctions. However, little is still known about the consequences of these changes. This article studies the case of Podemos, a party that has adopted a considerably innovative approach to membership. Through an analysis of Podemos voters and affiliates, we find that the gap in resources between members and voters recurrently found in the literature remains relevant despite organizational innovation. Moreover, we investigate how members make use of the expanded options of involvement offered by the party. Findings suggest that even in extreme cases of organizational innovation members can still be grouped into concentric categories based on the intensity of their involvement. These categories, which are consistent with the patterns found in traditional party organizations, seem to be explained by members’ ideological commitment rather than resources. |
Bolleyer, Nicole; Weeks, Liam From cartel party to traditional membership organisation: the organisational evolution of Fianna Fáil Book Chapter McGraw, Sean; O’Malley, Eoin (Ed.): 2017. @inbook{Bolleyer2018, title = {From cartel party to traditional membership organisation: the organisational evolution of Fianna Fáil}, author = {Nicole Bolleyer and Liam Weeks}, editor = {Sean McGraw and Eoin O’Malley}, url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781351389952/chapters/10.4324%2F9781315143019-5}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-11-21}, abstract = {This paper examines patterns of intra-organisational evolution and reform of Fianna Fáil as a party organisation before and after the 2011 Dáil election, widely considered an ‘earthquake election’ that fundamentally undermined Fianna Fáil’s status as the dominant party in the Irish party system. Electoral losses had triggered reform in Fianna Fáil prior to 2011, but such reforms tended to be minor, as the party expected its opposition status to be temporary. This orientation changed after 2011, as the party’s very foundation seemed threatened, having suffered a historic decline of its electoral support and membership. We argue that the post-2011 re-orientation can be usefully characterised as a movement away from organisational characteristics associated with the ‘cartel model of party organisation’ towards characteristics echoing more ‘traditional mass party structures’, an organisational model less dependent on state resources, and more able to generate loyalty through organisational means. Whether the 2011 reforms will lead to lasting change is likely to depend on whether, and if so how quickly, Fianna Fáil can reclaim its position as the major party of government.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } This paper examines patterns of intra-organisational evolution and reform of Fianna Fáil as a party organisation before and after the 2011 Dáil election, widely considered an ‘earthquake election’ that fundamentally undermined Fianna Fáil’s status as the dominant party in the Irish party system. Electoral losses had triggered reform in Fianna Fáil prior to 2011, but such reforms tended to be minor, as the party expected its opposition status to be temporary. This orientation changed after 2011, as the party’s very foundation seemed threatened, having suffered a historic decline of its electoral support and membership. We argue that the post-2011 re-orientation can be usefully characterised as a movement away from organisational characteristics associated with the ‘cartel model of party organisation’ towards characteristics echoing more ‘traditional mass party structures’, an organisational model less dependent on state resources, and more able to generate loyalty through organisational means. Whether the 2011 reforms will lead to lasting change is likely to depend on whether, and if so how quickly, Fianna Fáil can reclaim its position as the major party of government. |
Florence, Faucher; Daniel, Boy Fifty Shades of Green? Political differences between elites, members and supporters of Europe Ecologie Les Verts Journal Article Environmental Politics, Published Online First , pp. 161-185, 2017. @article{Faucher2017, title = {Fifty Shades of Green? Political differences between elites, members and supporters of Europe Ecologie Les Verts}, author = {Faucher Florence and Boy Daniel}, url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09644016.2017.1385149}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-11-11}, journal = {Environmental Politics}, volume = {Published Online First}, pages = {161-185}, abstract = {In recent years, many political parties have created new forms of affiliation and have justified the blurring of membership boundaries with claims that sympathisers would be more representative of the electorate and less radical. Such claims are based on ‘popular wisdom’ inspired by John May’s ‘special law of curvilinearity’, which states that activists hold more extreme views than voters and elites. When this expectation has been tested, results have been at best inconclusive; but testing has so far never used a single survey to compare different groups. Using an online survey of Europe Ecologie Les Verts party members and their extended networks (affiliated supporters, lapsed members, sympathisers), relationships between ideological differences and degree of investment in party activities and decision-making are analysed. The results, contradicting May’s special law along all ideological dimensions other than intra-party democracy, can be explained if May’s narrowly instrumental assumptions about preference formation are rejected.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } In recent years, many political parties have created new forms of affiliation and have justified the blurring of membership boundaries with claims that sympathisers would be more representative of the electorate and less radical. Such claims are based on ‘popular wisdom’ inspired by John May’s ‘special law of curvilinearity’, which states that activists hold more extreme views than voters and elites. When this expectation has been tested, results have been at best inconclusive; but testing has so far never used a single survey to compare different groups. Using an online survey of Europe Ecologie Les Verts party members and their extended networks (affiliated supporters, lapsed members, sympathisers), relationships between ideological differences and degree of investment in party activities and decision-making are analysed. The results, contradicting May’s special law along all ideological dimensions other than intra-party democracy, can be explained if May’s narrowly instrumental assumptions about preference formation are rejected. |
Bale T. Poletti M., Webb P The same but different: Lib Dem members in 1999 and 2015 Journal Article Journal of Liberal History, 96 , pp. 38-46, 2017. @article{T.2017, title = {The same but different: Lib Dem members in 1999 and 2015}, author = {Bale T., Poletti M., Webb P.}, url = {https://liberalhistory.org.uk/journal-articles/the-same-but-different-lib-dem-members-in-1999-and-2015/}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-10-02}, journal = {Journal of Liberal History}, volume = {96}, pages = {38-46}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } |
Bill, Cross; Scott, Pruysers Sore losers? The costs of intra-party democracy Journal Article Party Politics, First published online , 2017. @article{Cross2017, title = {Sore losers? The costs of intra-party democracy}, author = {Cross Bill and Pruysers Scott}, url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1354068817728216}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-09-07}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {First published online}, abstract = {Drawing upon the ‘satisfaction with democracy’ and ‘divisive primary’ literatures, this article examines how losers of intra-party elections respond to defeat and the consequences that these choices have on party organization and strength. In other words, do losers of intra-party elections continue to support the party or do they, like losers of general elections, feel less satisfied with democracy and withdraw their support (or even ‘exit’ the party)? Exploring rates of membership activism and satisfaction from a recent study of Canadian party members, this article demonstrates that losers of intra-party elections are more likely to exit the party, significantly less likely to remain active and engaged in party politics, and significantly more likely to report dissatisfaction with party membership. These findings suggest that parties must find a way of keeping losers engaged with the party.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Drawing upon the ‘satisfaction with democracy’ and ‘divisive primary’ literatures, this article examines how losers of intra-party elections respond to defeat and the consequences that these choices have on party organization and strength. In other words, do losers of intra-party elections continue to support the party or do they, like losers of general elections, feel less satisfied with democracy and withdraw their support (or even ‘exit’ the party)? Exploring rates of membership activism and satisfaction from a recent study of Canadian party members, this article demonstrates that losers of intra-party elections are more likely to exit the party, significantly less likely to remain active and engaged in party politics, and significantly more likely to report dissatisfaction with party membership. These findings suggest that parties must find a way of keeping losers engaged with the party. |
John, Polk; Ann-Kristin, Kölln Electoral infidelity: Why party members cast defecting votes Journal Article European Journal of Political Research, Published Online First , 2017. @article{Polk2017, title = {Electoral infidelity: Why party members cast defecting votes}, author = {Polk John and Kölln Ann-Kristin}, url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1475-6765.12238/full}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-09-06}, journal = {European Journal of Political Research}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {Party politics and electoral research generally assume that party members are loyal voters. This article first assesses the empirical basis for this assumption before providing individual-level explanations for defection. It combines prominent theories from party politics and electoral behaviour research and argues that internal disagreement and external pressure can each bring about disloyal voting. The hypotheses are motivated with multi-country European survey data and tested on two sets of party-level national surveys. The results show, first, that, on average, 8 per cent of European party members cast a defecting vote in the last election, and second, that dissatisfaction with the leadership is the strongest predictor of defection. Additionally, internal ideological disagreement is associated with higher probabilities of defection, whereas the effects of pull factors in the form of contentious policies are rather limited. These findings emphasise the importance of testing scientific assumptions and the potential significance of party leadership contests.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Party politics and electoral research generally assume that party members are loyal voters. This article first assesses the empirical basis for this assumption before providing individual-level explanations for defection. It combines prominent theories from party politics and electoral behaviour research and argues that internal disagreement and external pressure can each bring about disloyal voting. The hypotheses are motivated with multi-country European survey data and tested on two sets of party-level national surveys. The results show, first, that, on average, 8 per cent of European party members cast a defecting vote in the last election, and second, that dissatisfaction with the leadership is the strongest predictor of defection. Additionally, internal ideological disagreement is associated with higher probabilities of defection, whereas the effects of pull factors in the form of contentious policies are rather limited. These findings emphasise the importance of testing scientific assumptions and the potential significance of party leadership contests. |
Marco, Lisi; Joao, Cancela Types of party members and their implications Results from a survey of Portuguese party members Journal Article Party Politics, Published Online First , 2017. @article{Lisi2017, title = {Types of party members and their implications Results from a survey of Portuguese party members}, author = {Lisi Marco and Cancela Joao}, url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1354068817722445}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-08-04}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {Scholars have emphasized the decline of party membership and a decrease in party activism. Yet these general patterns hide a diversity of party members with distinct profiles, attitudes and behavior. Using Portugal as a case study, this article examines the heterogeneity of party members based on the different motivations for joining the party and distinct levels of involvement. The findings support previous typologies that distinguished between more activist versus more passive party members. The results also suggest that different party types present a distinct proportion of the two types of affiliates. In addition, these two types of members display distinct levels of ideological congruence with the party.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Scholars have emphasized the decline of party membership and a decrease in party activism. Yet these general patterns hide a diversity of party members with distinct profiles, attitudes and behavior. Using Portugal as a case study, this article examines the heterogeneity of party members based on the different motivations for joining the party and distinct levels of involvement. The findings support previous typologies that distinguished between more activist versus more passive party members. The results also suggest that different party types present a distinct proportion of the two types of affiliates. In addition, these two types of members display distinct levels of ideological congruence with the party. |
Edalina, Sanches; Marco, Lisi; Isabella, Razzuoli; do Paula, Espírito Santo Intra-party democracy from members’ viewpoint: the case of left-wing parties in Portugal Journal Article Acta Politica, Published Online First , 2017. @article{Sanches2017, title = {Intra-party democracy from members’ viewpoint: the case of left-wing parties in Portugal}, author = {Sanches Edalina and Lisi Marco and Razzuoli Isabella and do Espírito Santo Paula}, url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41269-017-0057-x}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-07-17}, journal = {Acta Politica}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {Focusing on the Portuguese case, this article aims to examine how members evaluate items of intra-party democracy and the ways in which their evaluations vary significantly across parties and key individual-level factors. It uses data from online surveys conducted in 2014 to grassroots members of three left-wing parties that differ in their organisational and participative profiles: the centre-left Socialist Party and the radical left Left Bloc and Livre. The results reveal more positive evaluations among members of radical left parties and for those featuring higher levels of activism and ideological congruence with the party. However, appraisals tend to be more negative when there are higher expectations of influencing the candidate selection process and of gaining professional benefits through membership. The findings suggest that democratising reforms may be a double-edged sword by attracting members who value this kind of change but at the same time fostering critical appraisals.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Focusing on the Portuguese case, this article aims to examine how members evaluate items of intra-party democracy and the ways in which their evaluations vary significantly across parties and key individual-level factors. It uses data from online surveys conducted in 2014 to grassroots members of three left-wing parties that differ in their organisational and participative profiles: the centre-left Socialist Party and the radical left Left Bloc and Livre. The results reveal more positive evaluations among members of radical left parties and for those featuring higher levels of activism and ideological congruence with the party. However, appraisals tend to be more negative when there are higher expectations of influencing the candidate selection process and of gaining professional benefits through membership. The findings suggest that democratising reforms may be a double-edged sword by attracting members who value this kind of change but at the same time fostering critical appraisals. |
Ingrid, Van Biezen; Petr, Kopecky The Paradox of Party Funding: The Limited Impact of State Subsidies on Party Membership Book Chapter Susan, Scarrow; Paul, Webb; Thomas, Poguntke (Ed.): Chapter 4, Oxford University Press, 2017, ISBN: 9780198758631. @inbook{vanBiezen2017, title = {The Paradox of Party Funding: The Limited Impact of State Subsidies on Party Membership}, author = {Van Biezen Ingrid and Kopecky Petr}, editor = {Scarrow Susan and Webb Paul and Poguntke Thomas }, url = {https://global.oup.com/academic/product/organizing-political-parties-9780198758631?cc=ca&lang=en#}, isbn = {9780198758631}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-07-01}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, chapter = {4}, series = {Comparative Politics}, abstract = {Political party organizations play large roles in democracies, yet their organizations differ widely, and their statutes change much more frequently than constitutions or electoral laws. How do these differences, and these frequent changes, affect the operation of democracy? This book seeks to answer these questions by presenting a comprehensive overview of the state of party organization in nineteen contemporary democracies. Using a unique new data collection, the book\’s chapters test propositions about the reasons for variation and similarities across party organizations. They find more evidence of within-country similarity than of cross-national patterns based on party ideology. After exploring parties\’ organizational differences, the remaining chapters investigate the impact of these differences. The volume considers a wide range of theories about how party organization may affect political life, including the impact of party rules on the selection of female candidates, the links between party decision processes and the stability of party programmes, the connection between party finance sources and public trust in political parties, and whether the strength of parties\’ extra-parliamentary organization affects the behaviour of their elected legislators. Collectively these chapters help to advance comparative studies of elections and representation by inserting party institutions and party agency more firmly into the centre of such studies.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } Political party organizations play large roles in democracies, yet their organizations differ widely, and their statutes change much more frequently than constitutions or electoral laws. How do these differences, and these frequent changes, affect the operation of democracy? This book seeks to answer these questions by presenting a comprehensive overview of the state of party organization in nineteen contemporary democracies. Using a unique new data collection, the book’s chapters test propositions about the reasons for variation and similarities across party organizations. They find more evidence of within-country similarity than of cross-national patterns based on party ideology. After exploring parties’ organizational differences, the remaining chapters investigate the impact of these differences. The volume considers a wide range of theories about how party organization may affect political life, including the impact of party rules on the selection of female candidates, the links between party decision processes and the stability of party programmes, the connection between party finance sources and public trust in political parties, and whether the strength of parties’ extra-parliamentary organization affects the behaviour of their elected legislators. Collectively these chapters help to advance comparative studies of elections and representation by inserting party institutions and party agency more firmly into the centre of such studies. |
Karina, Kosiara-Pedersen; Susan, Scarrow; Emilie, Van Haute Rules of Engagement? Party Membership Costs, New Forms of Party Affiliation, and Partisan Participation Book Chapter Susan, Scarrow; Paul, Webb; Thomas, Poguntke (Ed.): Chapter 10, Oxford University Press, 2017, ISBN: 9780198758631. @inbook{vanHaute2017b, title = {Rules of Engagement? Party Membership Costs, New Forms of Party Affiliation, and Partisan Participation}, author = {Kosiara-Pedersen Karina and Scarrow Susan and Van Haute Emilie }, editor = {Scarrow Susan and Webb Paul and Poguntke Thomas}, url = {https://global.oup.com/academic/product/organizing-political-parties-9780198758631?cc=ca&lang=en#}, isbn = {9780198758631}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-07-01}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, chapter = {10}, series = {Comparative Politics}, abstract = {olitical party organizations play large roles in democracies, yet their organizations differ widely, and their statutes change much more frequently than constitutions or electoral laws. How do these differences, and these frequent changes, affect the operation of democracy? This book seeks to answer these questions by presenting a comprehensive overview of the state of party organization in nineteen contemporary democracies. Using a unique new data collection, the book\’s chapters test propositions about the reasons for variation and similarities across party organizations. They find more evidence of within-country similarity than of cross-national patterns based on party ideology. After exploring parties\’ organizational differences, the remaining chapters investigate the impact of these differences. The volume considers a wide range of theories about how party organization may affect political life, including the impact of party rules on the selection of female candidates, the links between party decision processes and the stability of party programmes, the connection between party finance sources and public trust in political parties, and whether the strength of parties\’ extra-parliamentary organization affects the behaviour of their elected legislators. Collectively these chapters help to advance comparative studies of elections and representation by inserting party institutions and party agency more firmly into the centre of such studies.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } olitical party organizations play large roles in democracies, yet their organizations differ widely, and their statutes change much more frequently than constitutions or electoral laws. How do these differences, and these frequent changes, affect the operation of democracy? This book seeks to answer these questions by presenting a comprehensive overview of the state of party organization in nineteen contemporary democracies. Using a unique new data collection, the book’s chapters test propositions about the reasons for variation and similarities across party organizations. They find more evidence of within-country similarity than of cross-national patterns based on party ideology. After exploring parties’ organizational differences, the remaining chapters investigate the impact of these differences. The volume considers a wide range of theories about how party organization may affect political life, including the impact of party rules on the selection of female candidates, the links between party decision processes and the stability of party programmes, the connection between party finance sources and public trust in political parties, and whether the strength of parties’ extra-parliamentary organization affects the behaviour of their elected legislators. Collectively these chapters help to advance comparative studies of elections and representation by inserting party institutions and party agency more firmly into the centre of such studies. |
Hilmar, Mjelde; Jo, Saglie Participation in political parties: Members, possible members and non-members Book Abstrakt Forlag, Oslo, 2017, ISBN: 978-82-7935-390-4. @book{Mjelde2017, title = {Participation in political parties: Members, possible members and non-members}, author = {Mjelde Hilmar and Saglie Jo}, url = {https://www.abstrakt.no/sosiologi-statsvitenskap-og-politikk/lokalvalget-2015-et-valg-i-kommunereformens-tegn-detail}, isbn = {978-82-7935-390-4}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-06-01}, publisher = {Abstrakt Forlag}, address = {Oslo}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } |
Katharina, Gerl; Stefan, Marschall; Nadja, Wilker Does the Internet Encourage Political Participation? Use of an Online Platform by Members of a German Political Party Journal Article Policy & Internet, Published Online First , 2017, ISBN: DOI: 10.1002/poi3.149. @article{Gerl2017, title = {Does the Internet Encourage Political Participation? Use of an Online Platform by Members of a German Political Party}, author = {Gerl Katharina and Marschall Stefan and Wilker Nadja }, url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/poi3.149/full}, isbn = {DOI: 10.1002/poi3.149}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-04-24}, journal = {Policy & Internet}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {Political parties can play a crucial role in linking citizen preferences to political decision making, but have been criticized for not accomplishing this task. In an attempt to address this linkage problem and enhance policy representation, political parties have recently opened up their decision-making processes and promoted online participation among their members and supporters; for example, by establishing online platforms that allow citizens and party members to discuss policy issues and generate policy proposals. However, in most instances, participation is low. Drawing on the case of the German Green Party and applying three well-established models of offline political participation, the article examines why only some party members and supporters use these channels to communicate their preferences. Comparing users and nonusers, we conclude that socioeconomic resources or attitudes alone cannot explain differences in participation. Instead, participation is motivated by process-related and ideological incentives.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Political parties can play a crucial role in linking citizen preferences to political decision making, but have been criticized for not accomplishing this task. In an attempt to address this linkage problem and enhance policy representation, political parties have recently opened up their decision-making processes and promoted online participation among their members and supporters; for example, by establishing online platforms that allow citizens and party members to discuss policy issues and generate policy proposals. However, in most instances, participation is low. Drawing on the case of the German Green Party and applying three well-established models of offline political participation, the article examines why only some party members and supporters use these channels to communicate their preferences. Comparing users and nonusers, we conclude that socioeconomic resources or attitudes alone cannot explain differences in participation. Instead, participation is motivated by process-related and ideological incentives. |
Paul Webb, Monica Poletti & Tim Bale Electoral Studies, 46 , pp. 64-74, 2017. @article{Webb2017b, title = {So who really does the donkey work in ‘multi-speed membership parties’? Comparing the election campaign activity of party members and party supporters}, author = {Paul Webb, Monica Poletti & Tim Bale}, url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S026137941630405X}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-04-01}, journal = {Electoral Studies}, volume = {46}, pages = {64-74}, abstract = {One of the traditional functions of party members is to campaign on behalf of their party at general elections. However, they are not the only people who volunteer for the job. In the context of the growing literature on ‘multi-speed membership’ parties, it is important to ask what non-members do for parties they support. This paper examines how different actors contributed to the electoral campaigns of six parties at the 2015 UK General Election, using survey data covering not only members of the Labour, Conservative, Liberal Democrat, United Kingdom Independence, Scottish Nationalist, and Green parties, but also voters who identified themselves as being close to one of those parties but did not formally belong to them. As well as exploring how much work they do during campaigns, we ask whether the two groups choose different activities and are differently motivated. We find that, at the individual level, party members do more than non-member supporters, and that this is especially true of more intensive forms of activity. We also find that constituency context and political attitudes influence levels of activity in similar ways for members and supporters. However, we find no consistent impact from demographic factors or ideological incongruence. At the aggregate level, we estimate that the campaign work done by supporters may match or even exceed that done by party members.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } One of the traditional functions of party members is to campaign on behalf of their party at general elections. However, they are not the only people who volunteer for the job. In the context of the growing literature on ‘multi-speed membership’ parties, it is important to ask what non-members do for parties they support. This paper examines how different actors contributed to the electoral campaigns of six parties at the 2015 UK General Election, using survey data covering not only members of the Labour, Conservative, Liberal Democrat, United Kingdom Independence, Scottish Nationalist, and Green parties, but also voters who identified themselves as being close to one of those parties but did not formally belong to them. As well as exploring how much work they do during campaigns, we ask whether the two groups choose different activities and are differently motivated. We find that, at the individual level, party members do more than non-member supporters, and that this is especially true of more intensive forms of activity. We also find that constituency context and political attitudes influence levels of activity in similar ways for members and supporters. However, we find no consistent impact from demographic factors or ideological incongruence. At the aggregate level, we estimate that the campaign work done by supporters may match or even exceed that done by party members. |
Justin Fisher David Cutts, Edward Fieldhouse & Bettina Rottweiler District-level explanations for supporter involvement in political parties The importance of electoral factors Journal Article Party Politics, First published online , 2017. @article{Fisher2017, title = {District-level explanations for supporter involvement in political parties The importance of electoral factors}, author = {Justin Fisher, David Cutts, Edward Fieldhouse & Bettina Rottweiler}, url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1354068817699171}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-03-28}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {First published online}, abstract = {Traditional analyses of grass roots involvement in political parties have focussed almost exclusively on formal members. However, recent analyses across a range of democracies have shown that non-members (supporters) are playing important roles within political parties, including election campaigning, candidate and leader selection, online policy deliberations and even policy formation. The growing literature on this topic suggests that the involvement of supporters may be a function of party structure and availability of online recruitment. Using new data collected at the 2015 British general election, this article extends the examination of supporter involvement but challenges these assumptions. It shows that supporter activity is better explained by responses to electoral factors and that the focus on online recruitment seriously underplays the enduring importance of human contact.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Traditional analyses of grass roots involvement in political parties have focussed almost exclusively on formal members. However, recent analyses across a range of democracies have shown that non-members (supporters) are playing important roles within political parties, including election campaigning, candidate and leader selection, online policy deliberations and even policy formation. The growing literature on this topic suggests that the involvement of supporters may be a function of party structure and availability of online recruitment. Using new data collected at the 2015 British general election, this article extends the examination of supporter involvement but challenges these assumptions. It shows that supporter activity is better explained by responses to electoral factors and that the focus on online recruitment seriously underplays the enduring importance of human contact. |
Justin, Fisher; David, Cutts; Edward, Fieldhouse; Bettina, Rottweiler District-level explanations for supporter involvement in political parties Journal Article Party Politics, Published Online First , 2017. @article{Fisher2017b, title = {District-level explanations for supporter involvement in political parties}, author = {Fisher Justin and Cutts David and Fieldhouse Edward and Rottweiler Bettina}, url = {http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/15222}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-03-03}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {Traditional analyses of grass roots involvement in political parties have focussed almost exclusively on formal members. However, recent analyses across a range of democracies have shown that non-members (supporters) are playing important roles within political parties, including election campaigning, candidate and leader selection, online policy deliberations and even policy formation. The growing literature on this topic suggests that the involvement of supporters may be a function of party structure and availability of online recruitment. Using new data collected at the 2015 British general election, this article extends the examination of supporter involvement but challenges these assumptions. It shows that supporter activity is better explained by responses to electoral factors and that the focus on online recruitment seriously underplays the enduring importance of human contact.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Traditional analyses of grass roots involvement in political parties have focussed almost exclusively on formal members. However, recent analyses across a range of democracies have shown that non-members (supporters) are playing important roles within political parties, including election campaigning, candidate and leader selection, online policy deliberations and even policy formation. The growing literature on this topic suggests that the involvement of supporters may be a function of party structure and availability of online recruitment. Using new data collected at the 2015 British general election, this article extends the examination of supporter involvement but challenges these assumptions. It shows that supporter activity is better explained by responses to electoral factors and that the focus on online recruitment seriously underplays the enduring importance of human contact. |
Paul, Webb; Time, Bale; Monica, Poletti ‘All mouth and no trousers?’ How many Conservative Party members voted for UKIP in 2015 – and why did they do so? Journal Article Politics, First published online , 2017. @article{Webb2017, title = {‘All mouth and no trousers?’ How many Conservative Party members voted for UKIP in 2015 – and why did they do so?}, author = {Webb Paul and Bale Time and Poletti Monica}, url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0263395717697344#.WL7-kkmCBi4.facebook}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-03-01}, journal = {Politics}, volume = {First published online}, abstract = {A survey of ordinary members of the United Kingdom’s Conservative Party carried out in 2013 revealed that nearly 30% of them would seriously consider voting for the country’s radical right wing populist party (United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP)). However, we show that at the general election in 2015, only a very small proportion of them – around 5% of Tory grassroots members – actually did so, driven it seems mainly by alienation from the leadership and David Cameron in particular, as well as, perhaps, by concerns about the Conservative-led government’s austerity policies. However, those party members who did eventually vote for UKIP were still much more likely to have expressed a propensity to vote for it in 2013 than those who did not. Since the Conservative Party has not experienced the same increase in membership as some of its competitors, and since members are an important part of parties’ electoral campaigning, they should avoid alienating those members they do have – something of which Theresa May appears to be aware.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } A survey of ordinary members of the United Kingdom’s Conservative Party carried out in 2013 revealed that nearly 30% of them would seriously consider voting for the country’s radical right wing populist party (United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP)). However, we show that at the general election in 2015, only a very small proportion of them – around 5% of Tory grassroots members – actually did so, driven it seems mainly by alienation from the leadership and David Cameron in particular, as well as, perhaps, by concerns about the Conservative-led government’s austerity policies. However, those party members who did eventually vote for UKIP were still much more likely to have expressed a propensity to vote for it in 2013 than those who did not. Since the Conservative Party has not experienced the same increase in membership as some of its competitors, and since members are an important part of parties’ electoral campaigning, they should avoid alienating those members they do have – something of which Theresa May appears to be aware. |
Gijs, Schumacher; Nathalie, Giger Who Leads the Party? On Membership Size, Selectorates and Party Oligarchy Journal Article Political Studies, Published Online First , 2017. @article{Schumacher2017, title = {Who Leads the Party? On Membership Size, Selectorates and Party Oligarchy}, author = {Schumacher Gijs and Giger Nathalie}, url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0032321716667957}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-01-30}, journal = {Political Studies}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {We examine the degree to which party leaders dominate their parties over time and across countries and analyse how leadership domination relates to formal aspects of party organisation. Moreover, we analyse whether antidotes against leadership domination – widening the selectorate and increasing the membership – explain change in leadership domination. For this purpose, we use a new dataset that brings together different sources of party data over time and between countries. We find that leadership domination indeed has increased over time, but still a lot of variation exists between parties. We also demonstrate that widening the selectorate – for example, letting members elect the party leader – and increasing membership boosts leadership domination. In other words, the antidotes against leadership domination do not work.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } We examine the degree to which party leaders dominate their parties over time and across countries and analyse how leadership domination relates to formal aspects of party organisation. Moreover, we analyse whether antidotes against leadership domination – widening the selectorate and increasing the membership – explain change in leadership domination. For this purpose, we use a new dataset that brings together different sources of party data over time and between countries. We find that leadership domination indeed has increased over time, but still a lot of variation exists between parties. We also demonstrate that widening the selectorate – for example, letting members elect the party leader – and increasing membership boosts leadership domination. In other words, the antidotes against leadership domination do not work. |
Emilie, Van Haute; Emilien, Paulis; Vivien, Sierens Assessing party membership figures: the MAPP dataset Journal Article European Political Science, Published Online First, , 2017. @article{vanHaute2017, title = {Assessing party membership figures: the MAPP dataset}, author = {Van Haute Emilie and Paulis Emilien and Sierens Vivien}, url = {http://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41304-016-0098-z}, year = {2017}, date = {2017-01-10}, journal = {European Political Science}, volume = {Published Online First,}, abstract = {Assessments of party decline and decline of traditional forms of political participation often rely on the argument of party membership decline. Most studies analysing trends in party membership over time focus on aggregate country-level data at a few points in time. While they allow grasping general membership trends, they are not without shortcomings. This article presents the Members and Activists of Political Parties (MAPP) dataset related to the MAPP project. The dataset makes a large amount of data on party membership available to the larger public. The dataset provides 6,307 party membership data observations (M) covering 397 parties in 31 countries, mostly between 1945 and 2014. The article discusses the existing literature and data on party membership trends, how membership trends have been assessed so far, and the potential added value of the MAPP dataset.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Assessments of party decline and decline of traditional forms of political participation often rely on the argument of party membership decline. Most studies analysing trends in party membership over time focus on aggregate country-level data at a few points in time. While they allow grasping general membership trends, they are not without shortcomings. This article presents the Members and Activists of Political Parties (MAPP) dataset related to the MAPP project. The dataset makes a large amount of data on party membership available to the larger public. The dataset provides 6,307 party membership data observations (M) covering 397 parties in 31 countries, mostly between 1945 and 2014. The article discusses the existing literature and data on party membership trends, how membership trends have been assessed so far, and the potential added value of the MAPP dataset. |
2016 |
Hilmar, Mjelde; Lars, Svasand ‘Party decline?’ Book Chapter in "Democratic Transformations in Europe" Yvette Peters, Michaël Tatham (Ed.): Chapter 4, Routledge, 2016, ISBN: 9781138100480. @inbook{svasand&mjelde2016, title = {‘Party decline?’ }, author = {Mjelde Hilmar and Svasand Lars}, editor = {in "Democratic Transformations in Europe" Yvette Peters, Michaël Tatham }, url = {https://www.routledge.com/Democratic-Transformations-in-Europe-Challenges-and-opportunities/Peters-Tatham/p/book/9781138100480}, isbn = {9781138100480}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-12-15}, edition = {Routledge}, chapter = {4}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {inbook} } |
William, Cross; Ofer, Kenig; Scott, Pruysers; Gideon, Rahat The Promise and Challenge of Party Primary Elections: A Comparative Perspective Book McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2016, ISBN: 978-0773547988. @book{Williametal2016, title = {The Promise and Challenge of Party Primary Elections: A Comparative Perspective}, author = {Cross William and Kenig Ofer and Pruysers Scott and Rahat Gideon}, url = {http://www.mqup.ca/promise-and-challenge-of-party-primary-elections–the-products-9780773547988.php}, isbn = {978-0773547988}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-12-01}, publisher = {McGill-Queen’s University Press}, abstract = {While primary elections are most often associated with presidential candidates in the United States, similar methods for selecting party leaders and candidates are becoming increasingly common in parliamentary democracies around the world. The Promise and Challenge of Party Primary Elections introduces the first comprehensive examination of both the concept and the practice of primary elections outside of the United States. By offering a clear definition of primary elections and examples of their types, the authors deliver the tools needed for comparative analysis within and across diverse party systems. Focusing their attention on Canada and Israel – two early adopters of primary elections – the authors unveil the most pressing challenges of conducting internal elections, including questions of financing, monitoring and oversight, and the recruitment of new party members. At the same time, the book highlights the democratic benefits of primaries through direct and widespread participation in internal party decision making. Drawing upon the experience of parties with a long history of primary elections, The Promise and Challenge of Party Primary Elections offers valuable lessons and insights for parties around the world in search of more open and inclusive democratic practices.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {book} } While primary elections are most often associated with presidential candidates in the United States, similar methods for selecting party leaders and candidates are becoming increasingly common in parliamentary democracies around the world. The Promise and Challenge of Party Primary Elections introduces the first comprehensive examination of both the concept and the practice of primary elections outside of the United States. By offering a clear definition of primary elections and examples of their types, the authors deliver the tools needed for comparative analysis within and across diverse party systems. Focusing their attention on Canada and Israel – two early adopters of primary elections – the authors unveil the most pressing challenges of conducting internal elections, including questions of financing, monitoring and oversight, and the recruitment of new party members. At the same time, the book highlights the democratic benefits of primaries through direct and widespread participation in internal party decision making. Drawing upon the experience of parties with a long history of primary elections, The Promise and Challenge of Party Primary Elections offers valuable lessons and insights for parties around the world in search of more open and inclusive democratic practices. |
Rachel, Gibson; Fabienne, Greffet; Marta, Cantijoch Friend or Foe? Digital Technologies and the Changing Nature of Party Membership Journal Article Political Communication, Published Online First, , 2016. @article{Gibson2016, title = {Friend or Foe? Digital Technologies and the Changing Nature of Party Membership}, author = {Gibson Rachel and Greffet Fabienne and Cantijoch Marta}, url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10584609.2016.1221011}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-11-25}, journal = {Political Communication}, volume = {Published Online First,}, abstract = {As membership levels decline, parties are developing new forms of linkage with supporters, many of which rely on Internet technologies. To date, the discussion of these new modes of affiliation has been largely theoretical in nature, with little, if any, systematic empirical analysis undertaken on their appeal and impact on formal membership. This article seeks to fill this gap by examining the presence of three new types of digital affiliation—audience, friends, and digital activists—among the French electorate using original survey data from the 2012 Presidential election. Our findings are important in showing that while the new methods of affiliation are increasing parties’ reach into society, they are not necessarily widening parties’ socioeconomic support base. Furthermore, digital activism is mostly a supplementary channel for members’ input although there are a smaller group of people engaging in these activities that avoid formal membership ties. Such results suggest that digital methods of affiliation might offer an important new resource to parties during campaigns.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } As membership levels decline, parties are developing new forms of linkage with supporters, many of which rely on Internet technologies. To date, the discussion of these new modes of affiliation has been largely theoretical in nature, with little, if any, systematic empirical analysis undertaken on their appeal and impact on formal membership. This article seeks to fill this gap by examining the presence of three new types of digital affiliation—audience, friends, and digital activists—among the French electorate using original survey data from the 2012 Presidential election. Our findings are important in showing that while the new methods of affiliation are increasing parties’ reach into society, they are not necessarily widening parties’ socioeconomic support base. Furthermore, digital activism is mostly a supplementary channel for members’ input although there are a smaller group of people engaging in these activities that avoid formal membership ties. Such results suggest that digital methods of affiliation might offer an important new resource to parties during campaigns. |
William, Cross Canadian Journal of Political Science, Published Online First , 2016. @article{Cross2016b, title = {The Importance of Local Party Activity in Understanding Canadian Politics: Winning from the Ground Up in the 2015 Federal Election: Presidential Address to the Canadian Political Science Association Calgary, 31 May 2016}, author = {Cross William}, url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423916000962}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-11-04}, journal = {Canadian Journal of Political Science}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {Political parties have long been identified as critical players in Canadian democracy. In this address I focus on the activities of parties at the constituency level arguing that this is crucial to fully understanding many important questions in Canadian political science. By way of example, using data relating to the 2015 federal election, I argue that examining the relative vitality of local party associations in the period between election campaigns assists in a fuller understanding of election outcomes and that examining local party nomination dynamics is key to understanding the underrepresentation of women in the candidate pool and ultimately in the House of Commons.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Political parties have long been identified as critical players in Canadian democracy. In this address I focus on the activities of parties at the constituency level arguing that this is crucial to fully understanding many important questions in Canadian political science. By way of example, using data relating to the 2015 federal election, I argue that examining the relative vitality of local party associations in the period between election campaigns assists in a fuller understanding of election outcomes and that examining local party nomination dynamics is key to understanding the underrepresentation of women in the candidate pool and ultimately in the House of Commons. |
Bram, Wauters Which party members participate in direct political action? A cross-national analysis Journal Article International Political Science Review, Published Online First , 2016. @article{Wauters2016, title = {Which party members participate in direct political action? A cross-national analysis}, author = {Bram, Wauters}, url = {http://ips.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/10/24/0192512116667730.abstract}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-10-03}, journal = {International Political Science Review}, volume = {Published Online First}, abstract = {As a reaction to the erosion of political parties, citizens increasingly engage in participation independently from parties (such as boycotts, petitions and street demonstrations). Looking beyond the often-stated contradiction between party membership and these forms of non-institutionalized participation, we tried to determine whether party members participate in non-institutionalized participation as a complement or an alternative to their party membership activities. Based on the relative deprivation and civic voluntarism model, three party variables were selected: activity rate in the party, government status and ideological orientation of the party. The results of our analysis conducted on party members in 22 European countries show that the government status and the ideological position of a party have the largest effects on the propensity to participate in direct action. Activity rate does not have a significant effect, except a positive one for street demonstrations. In sum, direct action is not an alternative for dissatisfied party members, but rather a complement}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } As a reaction to the erosion of political parties, citizens increasingly engage in participation independently from parties (such as boycotts, petitions and street demonstrations). Looking beyond the often-stated contradiction between party membership and these forms of non-institutionalized participation, we tried to determine whether party members participate in non-institutionalized participation as a complement or an alternative to their party membership activities. Based on the relative deprivation and civic voluntarism model, three party variables were selected: activity rate in the party, government status and ideological orientation of the party. The results of our analysis conducted on party members in 22 European countries show that the government status and the ideological position of a party have the largest effects on the propensity to participate in direct action. Activity rate does not have a significant effect, except a positive one for street demonstrations. In sum, direct action is not an alternative for dissatisfied party members, but rather a complement |
Bale T., Webb P Not as Bad as We Feared or Even Worse Than We Imagined? Assessing and Explaining Conservative Party Members’ Views on Coalition Journal Article Political Studies, 64 (1), pp. 123-142, 2016. @article{T.2016, title = {Not as Bad as We Feared or Even Worse Than We Imagined? Assessing and Explaining Conservative Party Members’ Views on Coalition}, author = {Bale T., Webb P. }, url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1111/1467-9248.12164}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-09-24}, journal = {Political Studies}, volume = {64}, number = {1}, pages = {123-142}, abstract = {Although often treated as such, political parties are not unitary actors. Presumably, therefore, their leaders have to take at least some account of the views of their followers – not least when deciding whether or not to enter a coalition with other parties. Hitherto there has been relatively little research into those views. This article uses a survey of members of the UK’s Conservative Party in order to elicit and explain their thinking on the coalition the party formed with the Liberal Democrats in 2010, on the performance of the government since then, and on the prospects of a similar arrangement after the next general election. It finds that, although they largely approve of the government’s record, grassroots Tories regret the decision to go into coalition in the first place. However, they would sanction a continuation of the arrangement as the price of hanging on to power after the next election. Different members, of course, have different views, and these are best explained by ideological rather than demographic variables, as well as by members’ views on their party leader and – at least in part – their levels of activism.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Although often treated as such, political parties are not unitary actors. Presumably, therefore, their leaders have to take at least some account of the views of their followers – not least when deciding whether or not to enter a coalition with other parties. Hitherto there has been relatively little research into those views. This article uses a survey of members of the UK’s Conservative Party in order to elicit and explain their thinking on the coalition the party formed with the Liberal Democrats in 2010, on the performance of the government since then, and on the prospects of a similar arrangement after the next general election. It finds that, although they largely approve of the government’s record, grassroots Tories regret the decision to go into coalition in the first place. However, they would sanction a continuation of the arrangement as the price of hanging on to power after the next election. Different members, of course, have different views, and these are best explained by ideological rather than demographic variables, as well as by members’ views on their party leader and – at least in part – their levels of activism. |
Gissur, Erlingsson; Richard, Öhrvall A reluctantly active altruist? On party membership and party activism Conference ECPR General Conference – Prague, 2016. @conference{Erlingsson2016, title = {A reluctantly active altruist? On party membership and party activism}, author = {Erlingsson Gissur and Öhrvall Richard}, url = {https://www.researchgate.net/publication/307419427_A_reluctantly_active_altruist_On_party_membership_and_party_activism}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-09-01}, organization = {ECPR General Conference – Prague,}, abstract = {Why do individuals join political parties, and why do some take a step further to stand as candidates for political parties in local elections? Especially in Sweden, in light of dwindling party membership – now half that of what they were in the early 1990s – and the difficulties some party organisations experience in filling their ballots with candidates, it is crucial to answer these questions. To give answers, we conducted a survey of local government officials in Sweden. The study is based on 169 survey responses from local councillors and three main findings are reported: First, the results do not support classical rational choice-assumptions that social status, career ambitions and material rewards drive participation in political parties and local government. Rather, a sense of civic duty seems to have a strong impact. Second, the importance of recruitment cannot be exaggerated if we want to understand why people join parties: many respondents cited their recruitment as a main factor that spurred their participation. Third, given these two findings, our results indicate that active local party members could be described as ‘reluctantly active altruists’, i.e. driven by civic duty (not by social status, career ambitions or material rewards) and are recruited by others (rather than by own initiative).}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {conference} } Why do individuals join political parties, and why do some take a step further to stand as candidates for political parties in local elections? Especially in Sweden, in light of dwindling party membership – now half that of what they were in the early 1990s – and the difficulties some party organisations experience in filling their ballots with candidates, it is crucial to answer these questions. To give answers, we conducted a survey of local government officials in Sweden. The study is based on 169 survey responses from local councillors and three main findings are reported: First, the results do not support classical rational choice-assumptions that social status, career ambitions and material rewards drive participation in political parties and local government. Rather, a sense of civic duty seems to have a strong impact. Second, the importance of recruitment cannot be exaggerated if we want to understand why people join parties: many respondents cited their recruitment as a main factor that spurred their participation. Third, given these two findings, our results indicate that active local party members could be described as ‘reluctantly active altruists’, i.e. driven by civic duty (not by social status, career ambitions or material rewards) and are recruited by others (rather than by own initiative). |
Markus, Wagner Why do Party Members Leave? Journal Article Parliamentary Affairs, Published Online First, , 2016. @article{Wagner2016, title = {Why do Party Members Leave?}, author = {Markus, Wagner}, url = {http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2016/08/19/pa.gsw024.abstract}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-08-20}, journal = {Parliamentary Affairs}, volume = {Published Online First,}, abstract = {Why do people leave political parties they once joined as members? This article assesses five explanations: civic resources; cognitive engagement; a preference for alternative forms of political participation; ideological preferences; and material benefits to membership. These explanations are tested using data from a 2013 face-to-face probability-based survey in Austria ( n = 3266, of which 545 respondents are current or former party members). Self-reports and regression analyses show that cognitive disengagement and ideological preferences are the main differences between current and former members. These findings have important implications for understanding why party membership is in decline.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Why do people leave political parties they once joined as members? This article assesses five explanations: civic resources; cognitive engagement; a preference for alternative forms of political participation; ideological preferences; and material benefits to membership. These explanations are tested using data from a 2013 face-to-face probability-based survey in Austria ( n = 3266, of which 545 respondents are current or former party members). Self-reports and regression analyses show that cognitive disengagement and ideological preferences are the main differences between current and former members. These findings have important implications for understanding why party membership is in decline. |
William, Cross Government and Opposition, Published Online First, , pp. 26, 2016. @article{Cross2016, title = {Understanding Power-Sharing within Political Parties: Stratarchy as Mutual Interdependence between the Party in the Centre and the Party on the Ground}, author = {William, Cross}, url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.22 }, year = {2016}, date = {2016-07-07}, journal = {Government and Opposition}, volume = {Published Online First,}, pages = {26}, abstract = {Recent literature has renewed interest in the stratarchical model of intraparty decision-making. In this version of party organization, the functions performed by parties are distributed among their discrete levels. The result is a power-sharing arrangement in which no group has control over all aspects of party life. Thus, the model potentially provides an antidote to the hierarchical version of organization. This article examines the principal parties in Australia, Canada, Ireland and New Zealand to test whether there is empirical evidence of stratarchy. An examination of candidate nomination, leadership selection and policy development finds strong evidence of shared authority between both levels of the party in key areas of intraparty democracy. Both levels accept that they cannot achieve their goals without the support of the other and so a fine balancing act ensues, resulting in constant recalibration of power relations. There is, however, little evidence of the commonly presented model of stratarchy as mutual autonomy for each level within discrete areas of competency. Instead, both the party on the ground and in the centre share authority within all three areas, resulting in a pattern of mutual interdependence rather than mutual autonomy.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Recent literature has renewed interest in the stratarchical model of intraparty decision-making. In this version of party organization, the functions performed by parties are distributed among their discrete levels. The result is a power-sharing arrangement in which no group has control over all aspects of party life. Thus, the model potentially provides an antidote to the hierarchical version of organization. This article examines the principal parties in Australia, Canada, Ireland and New Zealand to test whether there is empirical evidence of stratarchy. An examination of candidate nomination, leadership selection and policy development finds strong evidence of shared authority between both levels of the party in key areas of intraparty democracy. Both levels accept that they cannot achieve their goals without the support of the other and so a fine balancing act ensues, resulting in constant recalibration of power relations. There is, however, little evidence of the commonly presented model of stratarchy as mutual autonomy for each level within discrete areas of competency. Instead, both the party on the ground and in the centre share authority within all three areas, resulting in a pattern of mutual interdependence rather than mutual autonomy. |
Jonathan, Polk; Ann-Kristin, Kölln The lives of the party. Contemporary approaches to the study of intraparty politics in Europe Journal Article Party Politics, Published Online First, , 2016. @article{Polk2016, title = {The lives of the party. Contemporary approaches to the study of intraparty politics in Europe}, author = {Polk Jonathan and Kölln Ann-Kristin}, url = {http://ppq.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/06/27/1354068816655572.abstract}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-06-28}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {Published Online First,}, abstract = {Intraparty politics is a precursor to political parties’ policy proposals, manifestos, selected leaders and candidates, which often involves many actors and is regularly accompanied by tensions. This essay introduces the contents of a special issue devoted to the internal dynamics of political parties in Europe. We connect each contribution of the issue to three key aspects of intraparty research: (1) sources of information on internal party politics and methods of analysis, (2) how contemporary parties reconcile or otherwise address disagreements within the party and (3) the electoral and other ramifications of internal party tensions or divisions. Overall, the comparative case studies and cross-national comparisons across Western and Eastern Europe included in this issue show that considerations of intraparty dynamics advance scholarly research on alliances and coalitions, party organizations and party competition.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Intraparty politics is a precursor to political parties’ policy proposals, manifestos, selected leaders and candidates, which often involves many actors and is regularly accompanied by tensions. This essay introduces the contents of a special issue devoted to the internal dynamics of political parties in Europe. We connect each contribution of the issue to three key aspects of intraparty research: (1) sources of information on internal party politics and methods of analysis, (2) how contemporary parties reconcile or otherwise address disagreements within the party and (3) the electoral and other ramifications of internal party tensions or divisions. Overall, the comparative case studies and cross-national comparisons across Western and Eastern Europe included in this issue show that considerations of intraparty dynamics advance scholarly research on alliances and coalitions, party organizations and party competition. |
Jonathan, Polk; Ann-Kristin, Kölln Emancipated party members. Examining ideological incongruence within political parties Journal Article Party Politics, Published Online First, , 2016. @article{Polk2016-2, title = {Emancipated party members. Examining ideological incongruence within political parties}, author = {Polk Jonathan and Kölln Ann-Kristin}, url = {http://ppq.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/06/22/1354068816655566.abstract}, year = {2016}, date = {2016-06-22}, journal = {Party Politics}, volume = {Published Online First,}, abstract = {Party members across European democracies exercise increasing influence on parties’ policy platforms or personnel choices. This article investigates ideological (in)congruence on the left–right spectrum between members and their parties by drawing on a party membership survey of more than 10,000 individuals across seven political parties in Sweden. The results show that around two-thirds of members are not perfectly congruent with their party. In a two-step analysis, the article argues that emancipated members, with higher political interest and with a more independent self-conception, are more comfortable being ideologically incongruent with their party. We also provide evidence that ideological incongruence matters for members’ exit, voice and loyalty behaviour. It is associated with a more negative evaluation of the party leader (voice) and with a higher probability to either vote for another party (loyalty) or even to leave the current one (exit). The findings indicate that ideological incongruence within parties is not a trivial matter, but is rather substantial in size with potentially important consequences for party competition.}, keywords = {}, pubstate = {published}, tppubtype = {article} } Party members across European democracies exercise increasing influence on parties’ policy platforms or personnel choices. This article investigates ideological (in)congruence on the left–right spectrum between members and their parties by drawing on a party membership survey of more than 10,000 individuals across seven political parties in Sweden. The results show that around two-thirds of members are not perfectly congruent with their party. In a two-step analysis, the article argues that emancipated members, with higher political interest and with a more independent self-conception, are more comfortable being ideologically incongruent with their party. We also provide evidence that ideological incongruence matters for members’ exit, voice and loyalty behaviour. It is associated with a more negative evaluation of the party leader (voice) and with a higher probability to either vote for another party (loyalty) or even to leave the current one (exit). The findings indicate that ideological incongruence within parties is not a trivial matter, but is rather substantial in size with potentially important consequences for party competition. |
